Emil Salim defends Suharto's record on Aljazeera
Perspektif Online
19 January 2008
101 East - A legacy of a dictator
Aljazeera TV, 17 January 2008
Introduction by Perspektif Online: On the 101 East program on Aljazeera TV, Emil Salim defends Soeharto's records. He said that the alleged crimes happened only as excesses in the last years of his rule. Most of Soeharto's rule, says Salim, was used in managing economic growth and stability. Mugijanto one of the student activistss who were kidnapped by the Soeharto regime, disputes that. He said that Soeharto's atrocities started from the beginning of his rule and was maintained throughout all his years in power. Lee Kuan Yew and Emil Salim say that the money Soeharto took for his family and friends is not important compared to the economic growth that he created. Wimar says that whatever good for his economy does not cover the immense damage Soeharto's caused in people's lives. So how could Soeharto stay in power for so long? Wimar says because people defended him and covered his crimes. And that includes Emil Salim.

Watch the interview in two parts:
Part 1
Interview transcript
Joining me now in our studio is our respected journalist, commentator and former presidential advisor Wimar Witoelar, former student activist Mugianto, who now runs an organization searching for those who disappeared during the Suharto regime. And joining us from Jakarta on satellite, Dr Emil Salim, who was part of the Suharto government as chief economist, and advisor for many many years. Gentlemen thank you all.
Dr Salim, you were an economic advisor and part of Suharto's economic team for a very long time. I want you to respond to Lee Kwan Yew's assertion that the draining of funds that apparently took place under the Suharto regime was as nothing compared to the amount of economic growth that occurred while he was in power. Do you think that's a fair comment?
Emil Salim: Actually you must see it in a longer perspective. That you only take the last part of the Suharto's regime, then you have a distorted picture. At the beginning in the late 60s, Indonesia was in shambles. There was a high rate of inflation, you can compare it with Zimbabwe today, there were practically no, the government was not running, it was a failed state. Therefore the key question at that time was how to overcome all these difficulties, economic difficulties. You must see it, in that kind of time perspective. If you only take one portion the late portion, then eh, the picture will be rather distorted. Well the point is Indonesia at the time was in serious trouble, and something has to be done. But ..... The slaughter of a, up to a million people, many of whom who are probably not even communist. Is that the way to do it?
Wimar Witoelar: Of course not. The thing is most of us at that time did not know it happened and people like Emil Salim who were in the government also didn't inform us that those atrocities were happening. We have to learn from the west later on. We have a very high respect for Emil Salim and his colleagues, for bringing a sound economic concept and democracy to Indonesia after 66 and democracy was in Indonesia after Soekarno's time for about 2 years. And then it all went downhill.
I differ with pak Emil's point that the last years of Suharto are used to distort the early years. It is the last years that count because those are the years when he mass murdered people in East Timor, mass murdered people in Aceh, stole from the people, completely threw Emil Salim's policies into a shambles, and I wonder why nobody complained. They just let him get away.
Host: Well let's stick with the early period for just a second longer. Dr Salim, you were saying that there was an enormous necessity for some kind of action at the time and that action were taken, but I'll put to you the same question. Was the action that he took necessarily the correct one, the price that was paid in terms of human life, was that worth it, and how much of that did you agree with at the time?
Emil Salim: We must look at the problem in the proper perspective. At the first time then the nation was confronted with a rice shortage, food shortage, self-sufficient food becomes number one. And then necessarily the focus of development went to the broadest base of the people to the agricultural sector. And that created that the total number of the population below the poverty line which at the time was around 40% by 76, but 20 years later becomes 11% below the poverty line. So poverty was reduced at the time in that period
Host: Let me stop you there for a minute, because I don't disagree at all with your economic analysis. My question was, was the loss of lives worth it, and was the loss of lives the correct price to pay to solving economic problem?
Emil Salim: My point is that when that policy took place, and that was then in the 60 still, the mid 80s, the loss of lives was not taking place. The loss of lives took place at the end of the 90s. So when you compare the benefits and the loss of lives, you are comparing two different things. And that distorts the picture, that's my point.
Host: Let me bring you Mugianto in here, because we defined two time period, and your (Mugianto) time period was definitively the second part. And into the overthrow of Suharto. Just tell me about how you felt then?
Mugianto: Do you know that the lives taken, during the Suharto administration not only happened at the end of his administration, but from the very beginning until the end. So I can mention the atrocities in 65-66. You know, the massacre, and the killing, and the detention of hundreds of thousands of people accused as a communist or supporter of communists. And they were not necessarily communist. Many of them are nationalists, supporters of the former President Soekarno at the time. And then later, in the 70s and 80s. There were also other massacres, the massacre of an Islamic group in Tanjung Priok, for example, in 1984, and then another Islamic Group in Lampung in 1989, and also in East Timor, in West Papua, in Aceh. So those are series of events in which human lives were taken. On behalf of
Host: OK, so by the time you became active politically, this is well toward the end of his reign, regime. And you were clearly moved and very angered by what was going on. Let's go back to the beginning then. As Dr. Salim
Wimar Witoelar: The atrocities started from 66. Dr. Emil's point is that the economic development did great things in the mid 80s. Both are correct. He did mass murders, and he developed economically, and because he developed economically, he could gain a political power to continue with his purges. That's how became stronger and acted against Aceh, Papua. In the end he even gets rid of good people like Emil Salim because he had enough credibility to go off on his own.
Host: But how much you agree with the contention that at the beginning, his motives were pure and his actual deeds are pure?
Wimar Witoelar: Well, I would be able to say that if not for the atrocities. He did things in a very much bipolar way. In his memoirs he refuses to acknowledge the atrocities but to claim for the deeds. Actually the economic development was done by people like Emil Salim. He took credit for it and people like Emil Salim never lifted a finger against the atrocities, never pointed out that Suharto has bad sides. He never mentions Suharto's bad sides.
Emil Salim: Yes, well at that time it was not by design. The killing that was happening, during the 65 war, was a consequence actually from the whole clash that happened between the military and the communist group. And that is happening actually as more a result of the killing of the generals, that was point one. It is not an effort that is by design, specifically being done. Second on this Tanjung Priok case, there was a whole effort at that time to create an addition to economic development, stability of politics in which the Pancasila ideology, was being promoted.
Mugianto: But I don't agree with the statement of Mr. Salim saying that all good atrocities are the excess of development. I myself believe that all are by design. For example, the atrocities that happened in 65 and 66. It is not the excess because everything is well plan including the, what is it, the deployment, the sending of those accused as communists to Buru Island, isolated Buru Island, that's the state policy. The state policy, the policy of the government, means that this is the design, this is the policy. And also what happened in, in, you know in East Timor, and also Mr. Salim also mentioned about what happened in Tanjung Priok, in 84 the massacre of the Islamic, that is not the excess, that is the policy. The policy is that for the Indonesian government policy to have one sole ideology and that is Pancasila, and this must be applied to all organizations.
Host: OK. Now let me ask you then, if you're saying that the problems if you like, and the killing, the downside of Suharto's regime, only began to manifest himself on the second half of this regime, what caused that transition? How did we go from positive development of the economy to the kind of chaos that we're talking about?
Emil Salim: Point one, one basic principle is that, I don't think it's appropriate to keep a leadership for too long, is point one. Point two, when you see to the, the way the leadership takes place in Asia, take Lee Kwan Yew, take Mahathir, it is a kind of not ehm, ehm, free democracy as such, but it's a kind that often, little bit guided democracy, this is the point two. And the key notion is that both that all this type leaders, Mahathir, Lee Kwan Yew, and also President Suharto, like to see that the development must take place first before you move into the direction of freedom of democracy.
Host: There is a big debate whether it's correct or wrong. Why did Suharto feel for he could do what he do in East Timor.
Wimar Witoelar: Well, because good people like Emil Salim didn't lift a finger to prevent him, and it was only brave people like Mugianto, very few, who risk their lives against him. The largest numbers of people were apologists for the regime, just like you heard; they say Suharto is not really bad because he helped economic development. They refuse even in this late day, they refuse to recognize that Suharto is bad. They say everybody is bad but Suharto is good. And I just cannot see that kind, of statement coming from very intelligent and very decent people like Emil Salim. I'm sorry to see him have to apologize for the Suharto Regime because it's a bad regime, period.
That's a good place to take a quick break. We'll pull for a moment. Please stay with us when we return we'll continue our discussion on Suharto: Legacy of a dictator.
Part 2:
Host: Welcome back to 101 East for this week, we discussing the legacy of Indonesia's president Suharto. With me in the studio, our commentator, Wimar Witoelar, former student activist Mugianto, and on the satellite from Jakarta Dr. Emil Salim, who for those 3 decades was a key economic advisor to, and a minister in the administration of the former President Suharto. Gentlemen, thanks for staying with us. Do you think that eh, Suharto should have been tried?
Emil Salim: According to the MPR, he must be tried because his involvement must be clear. And I think for his own sake, it is important that there will be a judgment, an objective judgment to see to what extent he's guilty or not guilty. And the nation needs to know about this. Is he really, as a few of my friend told me, bad, or he is really good?
Wimar Witoelar: Do you really believe he could be good? Are you still trying to tell us that he is good?
Emil Salim: Well, I worked with him…
Wimar Witoelar: So he is good?
Emil Salim: Well, I worked with him all those years. And I see that of course, every human being is not always 100% good, they have a bad side.
Host: Let me change the subject a little bit. Mugianto, you work with families looking for people who were disappeared. How do they feel about the legacy of Suharto?
Mugianto: What they experienced is that Suharto is so repressive, and that is why like myself and the other people being the victims, and being the relative of the victims. And we want that justice must be upheld. There is no trial. So, there are some trials for some cases but justice is still far beyond.
Host: Is the fact that there has been no trial, a function of the fact that there are still apparently so many people willing to defend Suharto?
Wimar Witoelar: Exactly. Since Suharto officially stepped down from the president, he had not really left power because his works, his fortune, his record is being defended by people like Emil Salim. So people don't have a chance to tell right or wrong. We tried to bring him a trial, lots of forces resisted. President Wahid try to bring him to trial, instead he got ousted. So the forces for and against Suharto were continuing even after he stepped down from power. And a lot of good people who could actually be the conscience of the people defend Suharto constantly.
Host: Emil Salim, would you also defend what remain in his legacy in terms of his family, his children are notorious around the world, unpopular, deeply unpopular within Indonesia, within Indonesia. Should they be on trial, and would you defend them in the same way that you defending Suharto?
Emil Salim: I'm not defending personalities, I'm defending the policies.
Host: Those policies included ingraining the culture of corruption into the Indonesian economy, and a destruction of any kind of check on power. That has proven very much of a challenge to subsequent democratic government. Do you think that's a problem?
Emil Salim: Now what bothers me most is that why when it was being discussed in the MPR, why the 500 members of the MPR, and all the political parties. Why did they all keep silent, and why they did not raise the issue at that time?
Host: Wimar, does he have a point?
Wimar Witoelar: He can answer that point himself. Why did those people stay silent? Why does Emil Salim stay silent? Why does Wijoyo stays silent? Why do all the good people stay silent? Why doesn't anybody take a moral stand against Suharto and say, look at your policy, you are fine, but your murders are not. Your organized corruption schemes are not. He should get a red card, because you might be a very good player, but if you keep tackling viciously.
Host: Would bringing the children to court be justice at any kind?
Wimar Witoelar: It would, because it would give people a sense of what is right and what is wrong. A sense of right and wrong which has been clouded by people straddling on the fence for so many years. People who are good, doing good policies and making people forget the atrocities. It has damaged the country, that's a very big big damage. If you say, what is a few billion dollars corruption if he develops economically, then I would say sir, what good is economic development if destroys the soul, the spirits, and the lives of the nation. How you compare economic development with tens of thousands people disappearing in mass murders and in mass graves.
Host: Dr. Salim, despite the economic benefits and structural benefits, do you agree with Wimar here, that has there been an enormous price?
Emil Salim: That I agree. I agree that there must be clearance, is pak Harto guilty or not guilty, or the children, or whoever. Because for history, it also serves the right of the children to defend themselves, right or wrong. So to get the history straight, you see, all of us now, things are now being said, why don't you do this, why don't you do that. At that time, sitting in the government, of course we did fight against certain policies that we disagree. Sometimes you win, sometimes you lose. But at least, you do something in the government. But those who are shouting now outside, what they have done in the past? What have they done to make the corrections? That's why, rather than saying you're right, you're wrong whatever, let the judges take the case, and put the history straight, what is wrong what is right, let the judges decide.
Wimar Witoelar: Mr. Salim just accused people who are not in the government of doing nothing. How could you say that? How could say that only people in the government did something for the country. What about people like Mugi, what about the students, what about opposition leaders, what about people who cried out against the dictatorship, does he feel they did nothing. That is a logic I cannot fathom.
Host: Final analysis is going to show a man who is never tried, never convicted. All we have is what we have been doing today, a lot of talk with a lot of different opinions. Do you think this is a problem for Indonesia?
Wimar Witoelar: He will continue to be tried. Actually it is not only Suharto who is being tried. The Indonesian public is also being tried. The Indonesian public is being tried so they can stand up...
Host: Mugianto is talking about justice. Will any sort of justice occur?
Wimar Witoelar: Yes, we will make it happen. We are part of the process. We are not observers, we are not watchers, we are part of Indonesian people, and we want to make sure justice is served.
Host: There, we will have to leave it there. Gentlemen, thank you all very much for being with us tonight. And that's it. From 101 East, until next time, it's goodbye.
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